| Author: Philip Dorling Date: 11/03/2011 Words: 1358 Source: SMH | Publication: Sydney Morning Herald Section: News and Features Page: 6 |
Leaked US embassy cables further damage the Indonesian President's standing, writes Philip Dorling.
WHEN Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono won a surprise victory in presidential elections in 2004, the United States hailed it as "a remarkable triumph of a popular, articulate figure against a rival with more power, money, and connections".
Three years later US diplomats in Jakarta continued to applaud Yudhoyono's administration for remaining "stalwart in its commitment to put terrorists behind bars". The former general and security minister won accolades for strengthening governance, for promoting economic reform, and for his efforts to suppress the Islamic militant group Jemaah Islamiyah.
But Yudhoyono's record may have to be reviewed after secret US embassy cables leaked to WikiLeaks revealed allegations of corruption and abuse of power.
According to the cables, Yudhoyono allegedly intervened to influence prosecutors and judges to protect corrupt politicians and put pressure on his adversaries. He reportedly used the intelligence services to spy on political rivals and, on at least one occasion, a senior minister in his own government. Yudhoyono's former vice-president reportedly paid millions of dollars to buy control of Indonesia's largest political party, and his wife and her family have allegedly moved to enrich themselves using their political connections.
The embassy's political reporting - much of it classified for American eyes only - reveals allegations the influence of money in politics extends to Yudhoyono himself, despite the President's commitment to combating corruption.
The cables contain claims that one of Yudhoyono's early presidential actions was to intervene in the case of Taufik Kiemas, the husband of Megawati, his rival in 2004. Taufik reportedly used his control of his wife's Indonesian Democratic Party to broker protection from prosecution for what US diplomats described as "legendary corruption during his wife's tenure".
Taufik has been publicly accused, though without charges being laid, of improper dealings in massive road and rail projects heavily tainted with corruption. In December 2004 the US embassy in Jakarta reported to Washington that one of its most valued political informants, the senior presidential adviser T.B. Silalahi, had advised that the assistant attorney-general, Hendarman Supandji, who was leading the new government's anti-corruption campaign, had gathered "sufficient evidence of the corruption of former first gentleman Taufik Kiemas to warrant Taufik's arrest".
But T.B. Silalahi, one of Yudhoyono's closest confidants, told the embassy of claims the President "had personally instructed Hendarman not to pursue a case against Taufik". No legal proceedings were brought against Taufik, now the Speaker of Indonesia's parliament.
While Yudhoyono allegedly protected Taufik from prosecution, his then vice-president, Jusuf Kalla, allegedly paid what the embassy described as "enormous bribes" to win the chairmanship of Golkar, Indonesia's largest political party, during a party congress in December 2004. US diplomats claim to have observed this first-hand.
"According to multiple sources close to the major candidates, Kalla's team offered district [Golkar] boards at least 200 million rupiah (more than $US22,000) for their votes," the embassy reported. "Provincial boards - which had the same voting right, but also could influence subordinate district boards - received 500 million rupiah or more." US diplomats reported that the Golkar chairmanship would have cost more than $US6 million.
The cables allege Yudhoyono had the then cabinet secretary, Sudi Silalahi, one of his closest confidants, "intimidate" at least one judge in court case in 2006 arising from a fight for control of the former president Abdurrahman Wahid's National Awakening Party, or PKB. According to the embassy's contacts, Sudi told the judge "if the court were to help [Wahid] it would be like helping to overthrow the government".
The alleged intervention was apparently unsuccessful in a direct sense because, according to embassy sources with close ties to the PKB and lawyers involved in the case, Wahid's supporters allegedly paid the judges 3 billion rupiah to secure a verdict that awarded control of the party to Wahid. Yudhoyono's strategic objective was achieved as pressure on Wahid's "precarious position" forced the PKB to support the administration.
Other embassy reports contain allegations Yudhoyono used the Indonesian State Intelligence Agency, or BIN, to spy on his political allies and opponents, including rival presidential candidates. While Yudhoyono was serving as the co-ordinating minister of political and security affairs in Megawati's government, he allegedly directed the intelligence service to report on the former army commander and Golkar presidential candidate Wiranto. Subsequently, at a meeting of Yudhoyono's cabinet, BIN's chief, Syamsir, characterised Wiranto as a "terrorist mastermind". Through his own military contacts Wiranto learnt he was the subject of "derogatory" BIN reports but when he complained T.B. Silalahi told him no such reports existed.
The leaked cables are ambiguous as to whether Yudhoyono has directly engaged in corruption. US diplomats reported that at a meeting with the chairman of his Democratic Party in 2006 Yudhoyono "bemoaned his own failure to date to establish himself in business matters", apparently feeling "he needed to 'catch up' ... [and] wanted to ensure he left a sizeable legacy for his children".
US diplomats noted alleged links between Yudhoyono and Chinese-Indonesian businessmen, notably Tomy Winata, an alleged underworld figure and member of a leading gambling syndicate. In 2006 Agung Laksono, now Yudhoyono's Co-ordinating Minister for People's Welfare, told embassy officers allegations that T.B. Silalahi "functioned as a middleman, relaying funds from Winata to Yudhoyono, protecting the President from the potential liabilities that could arise if Yudhoyono were to deal with Tomy directly".
Yudhoyono's wife and relatives feature prominently in the cables. Diplomats highlight alleged efforts of the President's family, "particularly first lady Kristiani Herawati ... to profit financially from its political position". In June 2006 one presidential staff member told embassy officers about allegations Kristiani's family were "targeting financial opportunities related to state-owned enterprises". The aide portrayed the President as "witting of these efforts, which his closest operators (e.g. Sudi Silalahi) would advance, while Yudhoyono himself maintained sufficient distance that he could not be implicated".
Such is Kristiani's influence that the embassy described her as "a cabinet of one" and "the President's undisputed top adviser". The embassy reported "members of the President's staff increasingly feel marginalised and powerless to provide counsel to the President". Yahya Asagaf, an official at the State Intelligence Agency, privately declared Kristiani's opinion to be "the only one that matters".
The embassy's contacts identified Kristiani as the primary influence behind Yudhoyono's decision to drop the then vice-president, Kalla, for the 2009 presidential elections. With the Bank of Indonesia governor Boediono as his running mate, Yudhoyono went on to an overwhelming victory. He secured more than 60 per cent of the vote, defeating Megawati, who had teamed with the former special forces commander Prabowo Subianto, and Kalla, who allied himself with Wiranto.
In January 2010 the US embassy observed : "Ten years of political and economic reform have made Indonesia democratic, stable, and increasingly confident about its leadership role in south-east Asia and the Muslim world. Indonesia has held successful, free and fair elections; has weathered the global financial crisis; and is tackling internal security threats."
But diplomats also concluded that Yudhoyono was rapidly running out of political puff. His popularity took a sharp downward turn after a series of political and corruption scandals in late 2009 and early 2010, and the embassy reported that the President and his government were increasingly "paralysed".
"Unwilling to risk alienating segments of the parliament, media, bureaucracy and civil society, Yudhoyono has slowed reforms. He is also unwilling to cross any constituencies ... Until he is satisfied that he has shored up his political position, Yudhoyono is unlikely to spend any political capital to move his reform agenda, or controversial aspects of US-Indonesia relations, forward."
As Yudhoyono's stocks have fallen, his administration has become increasingly defensive. Last week his cabinet secretary, Dipo Alam, started a political furore by calling for censorship of media organisations that published negative news about the government.
To reinforce the message, Alam summoned public relations officers from government ministries to order them not to place advertising in any media perceived to be against Yudhoyono.
Over the past 13 years Indonesian democracy has undoubtedly strengthened. The Suharto dictatorship has been replaced by a competitive political system characterised by robust debate and free media. But, as the embassy reports suggest, some of the secretive and corrupt habits of the Suharto years may linger.
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