Four
years after the collapse of Lehmann Brothers, the world economy remains mired
in slump and financial instability. The predictions and promises of a
“recovery” have proven to be cruel lies. Instead, the depth of the crisis is
being exploited by the ruling elite in the United States, across Europe and
internationally to unleash the greatest assault on living standards and social
and democratic rights since the 1930s, and make the working class pay for the
failure of the capitalist profit system.
At
the same time, the US is stepping up its decades-long use of military violence
to maintain its waning global dominance. War is being prepared against Iran,
amid an escalating intervention in Syria by the Obama administration and the
European powers. Throughout the Asia-Pacific, American imperialism is carrying
out a reckless military build-up to try to undermine Chinese economic and
political influence, threatening to trigger a confrontation between
nuclear-armed states.
The
program of the Gillard Labor government is determined by the international
descent into war and depression. It has unconditionally aligned Australian
capitalism with the US drive against China. The deployment of American marines
to Darwin is the screen behind which northern and western Australia is being
transformed into a staging base for joint operations aimed at controlling
China’s access to the key sea lanes between the Indian and Pacific Oceans.
Labor is also abetting Washington’s persecution of Julian Assange and
WikiLeaks, in order to terrorise and intimidate every opponent of imperialism.
Domestically,
the Labor government and the trade unions are working with the major
corporations to destroy thousands of jobs and attack working conditions in
manufacturing, the airlines, the financial sector and retail. As the mining
boom ends and government revenue falls, Gillard and Treasurer Swan are drawing
up even greater cutbacks to social security to meet the government’s commitment
to a budget surplus, while insisting that the state governments also slash
their spending. The type of austerity seen in the US and Europe is being
prepared in Australia.
The
working class, and young people in particular, are confronted with the
political question: how to defend their rights and their future? The SEP
meetings will elaborate the socialist and revolutionary program and principles
that provide the only viable way forward against the Labor government and the
Greens, unions and other organisations that are assisting it impose the
dictates of the financial and corporate elite, and drag the population into the
maelstrom of militarism and war.
Since its inception, capitalism has spread around the world and has now penetrated into every corner of the earth used by people. This spreading did not always take place in the same way, but was itself subject to change. Initially, technological progress and with it the new industrially-dominated economic system were “exported” into ever more countries which could then develop into industrialized nations. The most advanced states were able to become great powers that over time gradually divided the entire globe amongst their colonial empires.
The colonies served as cheap sources of raw materials and new markets for the capitalists, in whose interests the colonial powers acted. The subjugated countries lost the possibility of an “equal” development. The economically overwhelming competition hampered the normal economic growth of these states significantly. Any resistance by the native population against their exploitation and the plundering of their natural resources was brutally suppressed.
Because of the economic necessity to find ever more profitable utilization for ever more accumulated capital, the export of commodities to the colonies was soon not enough for the developed countries and their capitalists. Instead, after a certain point the export of capital became increasingly important. This led to a industrialization of the colonies (at different levels), but in total dependence on foreign capital (and thus without regard to the needs of the local population). This in turn cemented the existing global power relations. This development coincided with (and was partly caused by) the increased formation of monopolies. From a large number of individual, competing capitalist companies, in the course of a few years large, globally active corporations emerged.
This stage of capitalist development is described by Marxists as imperialism.
Here, we rely primarily on V.I. Lenin, who in 1917 analyzed the economic fundamentals of imperialism in his text: “Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism.”
Although today there are hardly any official colonies, nothing about the mechanisms of dependence and oppression has changed fundamentally. Most countries in the world belong to the imperialized countries that – sometimes more, sometimes less – are economically dependent on Europe, the USA, Japan or other “First World” countries. The continued existance of imperialism can be seen most clearly in the form of wars and occupations which are the weapon of choice when a semi-colony no longer wants to submit to the dictates and the interests of Western governments and corporations.
For the imperialist countries, the exploitation of the working class of other countries and the control over their natural resources are essential factors in the maintenance of their power – and hence in the stabilization of capitalism as a whole. Breaking the imperialist hegemony is therefore an essential part of our strategy for overcoming capitalism.
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The resistance that arises again and again in the semi-colonies must definitely be supported.
But what are the best strategies by which we can fight imperialism, also taking our possibilities into consideration?
II. Analysis of imperialist conflicts
a) Popular lies of the imperialists
The governments of the imperialist countries are always trying to justify their wars morally and ideologically. They claim to fight against “international terrorism”, against dictatorial governments and for freedom, democracy and human rights. But in all cases soldiers are deployed to defend capitalist interests, whether with the US military’s “preventive” attack against Iraq in 2003 or the German Bundeswehr’s “reconstruction mission” in Afghanistan, whether open war or alleged “humanitarian aid”.
We must openly counter such hypocritical justifications and position ourselves on the side of the attacked. This also applies in the case that the government of the attacked country is in fact a dictatorial regime, possibly even one that brutally suppresses its own working class.
Of course we would criticize this regime before and also during the war for its policies. However, this would not change our principled position against imperialism and for the victory of the imperialized country.
The objective interest of the working class (and therefore our interest) is always opposed to that of the imperialist states – whatever high ideals supposedly motivate their wars. In this sense, there is absolutely nothing beneficial to a victory of the imperialist countries – even the overthrow of a reactionary regime by a “democratic” great power is only progressive at first glance.
A successful war against a semi-colony always means that the imperialist aggressor can strengthen and consolidate its power. For the workers of the semi-colony, it means at first misery and destruction, and then a life of double oppression – both by their “own” bourgeoisie and by foreign capitalists and pro-imperialist puppet regimes.
And the workers’ movement in the imperialist centers is also weakened by a success of “their” governments in wars.
The victory of the oppressed nation, in contrast, is not only the lesser evil, but can have historically very progressive effects: the defeat of imperialism can strengthen the confidence of the oppressed both in the attacked country and worldwide. The working class would then have a better starting position to defend itself against its continued oppression: in the liberated semi-colony, after driving out the “external enemy” it could concentrate its whole force against the local capitalists; in the imperialist country, the defeat of the government would also increase the domestic pressure on it and thus improve the conditions for its overthrow.
b) No violence is no solution
In imperialist conflicts, trying to assume a “neutral” or “peaceful” position cannot work and in fact can only go against the class interests of the workers.
In an unequal struggle (such as the struggle of the semi-colonies against their “colonial masters”), whoever demands a ceasefire and a “peaceful solution” from both sides overlooks the fact that such a “peace” is only the continuation of systematic oppression – the oppression suffered by the imperialized peoples, even without war and occupation, against which they legitimately want to defend themselves.
The resistance of oppressed peoples – even if it takes the form of an “aggressive war” – is ultimately an act of self-defense. Anti-imperialism is therefore more than a purely anti-war stance. It requires above all a detailed analysis of the social and economic foundations and the historical significance of imperialist conflicts. This is not compatible with a purely pacifist stance, which on closer examination can never be progressive.
Even though we abhor war and, as Communists, aim for a society that (in contrast to capitalism) does not systematically lead to wars, we must recognize that there are historically progressive wars: that of the oppressed against their oppressors.
While we can, in concrete cases, criticize the way a war is waged (e.g. attacks on civilians), we cannot deny the basic right of resistance to the oppressed nations of the semi-colonies against the imperialist stranglehold. And, just like the overthrow of capitalism, the liberation from imperialist rule cannot be achieved peacefully – because the capitalists will never give up their power voluntarily.
For this reason, every pacifist approach ultimately plays into the hands of the oppressors.
c) The enemy of my enemy…
That fact that our basic support for the resistance cannot be shaken should not, however, obscure the fact that we have to act in a very differentiated way in each concrete case.
When it is no longer just a question of principled, propagandistic support for anti-imperialist liberation struggles, but also of the direct involvement of communist organizations, a precise examination of the forces involved in the resistance is necessary.
No matter how retarded the social development of a semi-colony may be – there exists (as in every capitalist country) a division into exploiters and exploited.
With imperialism as a common enemy, parts of the bourgeoisie and the workers can work and fight together in a broad front (as is the case with many national liberation movements). But despite this, the fundamental opposition between labor and capital is by no means overcome.
The workers stand up against their deplorable living conditions, hoping to finally improve them. The local capitalists, in contrast, are never for the abolition of exploitation, but for reshaping it to their advantage. Instead of leaving the largest piece of the pie to foreign corporations, they prefer to keep the profits generated by the country’s soil and workforce.
To lead a liberation struggle with the support of the workers, bourgeois movements use not only social phrases but downright class struggle and socialist rhetoric.
But neither the Venezuelan “Socialism of the 21st Century” nor any “Islamic socialism” offers the working class a perspective. They serve to instrumentalize the anger of the masses and, when in doubt, lead them into shallow channels.
A liberation movement that does not fight for the overthrow of capitalism can never be consistently anti-imperialist because in a world dominated by imperialism every capitalist state has to find an arrangement with it. Since the powerful imperialist countries are always capable of drawing the capitalists of the semi-colonies onto their side with massive economic pressure or concessions and privileges, this must sooner or later lead to the restoration pro-imperialist conditions.
Accordingly, there can be no “stages concept” for the semi-colonies, which calls for an (anti-imperialist) bourgeois revolution as a first stage, and only if the new status has stabilized dares to attempt a socialist revolution.
Instead, Trotsky’s theory of “permanent revolution” must be applied to backwards semi-colonies and their struggle for liberation. That is, tasks like the expulsion of the occupiers or the toppling of a pro-imperialist regime must be seamlessly pushed forward to a socialist revolution and completed by it.
III. The Anti-Imperialist United Front
In search of a concept for the revolution in backwards and colonized countries, the Third International developed the tactic of the “anti-imperialist front” in the early 1920s
Back then, as now, revolutionaries were confronted with the problem that in the (semi-)colonies, the resistance was often dominated by bourgeois or petty bourgeois forces that could mobilize large parts of the proletariat behind them.
This was partly due to the economic backwardness of these countries, in which which peasant and petty bourgeois layers played a much greater role than the weakly developed working class. This was also due to the fact that the imperialist powers were usually careful to keep the workers’ movement in their colonies as small as possible and to nip any rebellion in the bud.
Analogous to the anti-fascist workers’ united front, in which communist and reformist organizations could form an alliance for a specific purpose, the anti-imperialist united front was supposed to represent a tactical alliance between communists and bourgeois, national-revolutionary forces.
In our view there are two key objectives that should be achieved with this tactic:
On the one hand, of course, the combination of all anti-imperialist forces for a common front to oppose a strong enemy. This means not only a military alliance, but also joint demonstrations, calls for strikes and other actions.
With such an alliance of organizations of different classes, it cannot be forgotten that after the achievement of the common goal, the basis for cooperation disappears and the opposing interests come to the fore.
So the second important goal of the united front tactic is the weakening of the bourgeois allies in favor of the communist forces. Through propaganda work, as well as alternative actions and proposals for actions in the framework of a united front, it should be made clear to the participating workers that the communists are the only consistent anti-imperialists and only a socialist perspective promises real liberation.
Cooperation that brings real benefits for the communist forces can only work under certain conditions, which are also the basic conditions for the formation of a united front:
At all times, the political and programmatic independence of the workers’ movement must be given.
Communists must be able to propagate their own positions at joint actions and to organize the workers under their own banner.
The declaration of a united front between bourgeois-revolutionary and communist groups can, moreover, only be useful if it is permitted by the relationship of forces. A small communist propaganda group with no real support among the working class has very little to offer a strong national-revolutionary movement – at best, it is ignored, and at worst, it is suppressed.
If the bourgeois forces have not gathered significant parts of the proletariat behind them, such an alliance is of little use to the communists and helps the bourgeois side to gain more attention and strength.
Unfortunately, there are numerous historical examples of leaderships of the workers’ movement ignoring these rules. Far too often, the united front tactic was transformed into a strategy, and cooperation with bourgeois forces was placed above basic proletarian principles.
Under the influence of Stalinism, in 1923 the Chinese Communist Party entered into the bourgeois Kuomintang, dropped its criticism and deprived itself of any independent organizational structures. Under the banner of the united front, this approach was presented to the workers as a necessary step in the anti-imperialist struggle – and in 1927 led to a massacre of the proletarian movement.
The Iranian Revolution in 1979 led, among other reasons, to the victory of a theocratic regime because the Marxist forces (which were weak but present) reduced themselves to cooperation with “progressive” bourgeois forces rather than fighting for their own program.
In these and in many other cases, the slogan of the anti-imperialist united front has been abused to justify a strategy of class collaboration – that is a popular front.
In summary, the united front tactic can be a useful tool, but one that can only be used within clearly defined conditions.
IV. Fight imperialism in Europe!
As activists in the imperialist centers of Europe, we of course have no direct influence on the liberation struggles of the semi-colonies. Nevertheless, we too can contribute support to the anti-imperialist resistance, at least indirectly.
The top priority is to expose the hypocritical and racist propaganda of the imperialist war mongers as such and to highlight the real motives of European or US military operations, as well as explaining the economic mechanisms of the exploitation and oppression of the so-called “Third World” countries.
We should also support demonstrations, strikes and other actions that should make it impossible for “our” governments to support imperialist wars, directly or indirectly.
Our efforts should always be oriented to promoting solidarity between the working class in Europe and in the countries under attack. This can be of very practical relevance if, for example, troops or weapons cannot reach their destination due to a port workers’ strike or other blockade actions.
Given the expansion of the EU’s military expenditures and the significant increase in its international military operations, Karl Liebknecht’s saying “The main enemy is at home!” has not lost its validity in the least. Despite the special military status of the United States, we must pay particular attention to our local armies. Where it is possible for us, we can sabotage their attempts to recruit at schools, job fairs and unemployment offices, and dismantle the image of “peace armies”.
Likewise, we should pay attention to the establishment of a European army under the label of a “common foreign policy”. This includes the militarization of the European borders, particularly in the Mediterranean, which every year thousands of refugees from Africa try to cross in order to escape the misery of their home countries. This phenomenon arose in the first place due to the the policies of the rich countries.
Huge, militarized border fences, detention camps for incoming refugees and the European “border protection” force FRONTEX are only the most obvious signs of a racist immigration and refugee policy in Europe. This must also be denounced and fought.
Here in particular, but also with all other anti-imperialist protests, it is important to involve immigrants who feel – directly or indirectly – affected by the aggressive and oppressive policies of Western countries. To this end, we should also be willing to take part in a limited alliances with less progressive bourgeois forces or even reactionary groups, i.e. apply this variant of the united-front tactic ourselves, with a focus on joint protest actions.
Of course it is our goal to win workers, migrants and young people to a socialist perspective and to weaken the bourgeois forces.
This only makes sense if it involves groups that have significant support in these communities. Very similar terms and conditions apply as to a “real” anti-imperialist united front.
V. Importance of anti-imperialist struggles
Even if were can only speculate about their future role: It is clear that anti-imperialist struggles around the world are closely linked with the future of global capitalism.
We should not believe that the unequal distribution of power makes it impossible for one of the oppressed countries to provide the impetus for a world socialist revolution. It is true that the struggles of the workers in the imperialist centers can be potentially much more dangerous to the ruling classes – but correspondingly, much more is done to keep them quiet and far away from an internationalist, socialist perspective.
However, to conclude the complete opposite – namely that only the liberation movements in the semi-colonies can offer serious resistance against imperialism – would be just as wrong. Especially because this approach runs the risk of glorifying anti-imperialism as an end unto itself, denying the fundamental class contradictions and forgetting the need for a socialist revolution.
Ultimately, the overcoming of capitalism and with it of imperialism is equally necessary in all countries. Every victory that is won in one place can improve the starting position for every future battle and is therefore a step in the right direction.
5. Pseudo Democracy result
Constitution Fourth Amendment.
6. General Election in 2014 that
will waste – nothing!
7. Correction of the Incident Action
in 1998.
8. Glance Century Bank Scandal
9. Scenarios of the Revolution:
Decree of the People Back to the
Constitution of 1945 (the original)
Statement of the People for the Faithful on
the basis of Pancasila (five
principles) ideology.
Establishment of MPRS as the incarnation of
the People's Sovereignty.
People's Consultative Assembly's session to
determine the Presidium.
Session of the Presidium to form the State
Requirements.Session of the
People's Consultative Assembly to Establish
Commission Amendment Constitution of 1945.
Presidium lifting Commander of the Armed
Forces of the Republic of Indonesia (according to Article 10 of the
Constitution of 1945).
Session of the Presidium for Forming
Cabinet / Ministry in the meantime.
Plenary session of the Cabinet Ministry.
National Reconciliation.
Presidium with MPRS set General Election
schedule.
10. Acknowledgments.
1. Introduction
This brief paper
does not discuss the theory of revolution or the definition of revolution in a
broad sense.
Revolution is
referred to in this paper is none other than the constitutional revolution.
Revolution is a rapid and fundamental change to the constitutional order that
has proven obsolete and can not realize the people’s welfare in a fair and
equitable.
That way, the
revolution meant to change the order that has long been applied to the new
order. In short, substantive sentences in the revolution are “REGIME CHANGE –
CHANGE SYSTEM”.
Revolution with
REGIME CHANGE – CHANGE SYSTEM must be done simultaneously. Revolution by
changing the regime without changing the system is useless – a mere nothing.
Anyone regime, could not realize what the people want to achieve a better life
if the system still used the old system has proved a failure in the past.
Conversely, a
revolution to change the system is impossible if without replacing the regime.
A Status Quo regime may not be willing to change the system that has been to
perpetuate their power.
onesolutionrevolution.com
2.
The Indonesian revolution
Anywhere, the revolution has a range
of hopes and ideals that so far, which makes popular sovereignty as the
supreme rule in the state administration.
This revolution
does not necessarily take place with blood. That may never happen is happening
elsewhere. But in Indonesia,
the revolution could be peaceful as August 17, 9145 when Indonesia
patriotic fighters took control of Japan.
Could peaceful as 1967, when Suharto replaced Sukarno as President of the Republic
of Indonesia . When Indonesia
2 million people were slaughtered without going through the courts during
1966-1968, it was not the result of the revolution, but because of the
brutality of the New Order regime goons. Revolution of 1998 can also be
peaceful. Although it is not really revolutionary scenario, but the transfer of
power from Soeharto to Habibie could peaceful.
3.
Why a Revolution?
Indonesia
homeland compared a large ship that sailed from the port
of Proclamation of 1945. Ferrying to
achieve the goals realizing a just and prosperous society, inner and outer
prosperity and become a respected major nation in the world.
Nobody will be
argued that Indonesia
was the nation’s next fighter in Algeria
and Vietnam.
The fighters who wanted – ideal liberate their homeland from the clutches of
expanders and escape from the suffering caused by colonialism. These
dreams finally come true with Indonesian independence on 17
August 1945 by Soekarno – Hatta.
In the course of
more than 60 years of Indonesian independence, has many storm waves crashing.
Starting from the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) rebellion in 1948,
the first and second military aggression by the Netherlands Indies Civil
Administration (NICA), Events G30S Rebellion, the New Order's repressive rule,
Scandal and Corruption in Duta Bank and Indonesia Development Bank (Bapindo),
the Monetary Crisis in 1998, the case of Bank of Indonesia Liquidity Assistance
(BLBI), Scandal of Century Bank to cases of judicial and taxation
mafia today.
A sharp pebble in
the shoe is very disturbing one pace of someone. A rock can only endanger
the safety of cruise ships in which the entire people of Indonesia
and its wealth of nature resources.
Indonesia
was threatened wreck. The ship leaked, strong winds, high waves, torn screens,
the propeller jammed, dark, crowded sharks, lightning struck and thirsty
passengers.
In such conditions,
required a skilled captain, courageous and able quickly to take decisions.
In reality, it is
impossible to expect a change for the improvement of the regime who still
continue the tradition of the new order; tradition that has been proven to fail
to bring prosperity to the people in a fair and equitable.
They claim to be leader of the reform
order, but the system imposed no better than the new order system. In the new
order of government under Suharto’s leadership still managed to devote
attention to the empowerment of cooperatives development. The current
government has implemented it fully practice of neo – liberalism / capitalism,
and apparent age as a supporter of neo – colonialism / imperialism. As a
result, many people’s lives are not getting better. Even as the effects of
corruption collusion increasingly become – so.
Odds are expected from the regime of neo –
liberalism / capitalism that supports the practice
neo-colonialism/imperialism to talk about prosperity together. There’s no way
they talked about the welfare of the people of
Papua, while the gold mining contracts to foreign companies
Freeport Limited Company extended, and continue to be extended.
Odds are people of Indonesia
will be able to buy oil cheaply, while all sources of
energy and mineral resources have been pledged to the foreign companies.
In the place of
origin, the United States
and Western Europe, the practice of liberalism and
capitalism are destroying one human race, namely Indian tribes. The system
of liberalism / capitalism, which is basically a form imperialism /
colonialism, brought by the expansion borzois to the ground, the American
mainland 16th century. In the new land that they took the right of
indigenous land ownership. They do a great persecution that resulted in violent
loss of a single community of civilization on this earth.
In the present era,
the foreign borzois is trying to become the powerful ruler of Indonesia.
Through the power of the regime of neo – new order, they dug his paws in Indonesia.
Then proved to be almost the entire Indonesian assets belonged to foreign
companies.
The greed of
foreign investors and lack of nationalistic spirit Indonesian leaders have made
the roots of indigenous cultures deprived of their own land. The values of Bhinneka
Tunggal Ika started to be forgotten.
Because people of Indonesia
have not hosted in our own country, then all need to be expensive. Access to
education more difficult. Rising unemployment. The gap between the rich and the
poor is widening. The higher transportation costs. Increasing health costs are
not affordable for the community underclass. There are many more negative
impacts as a result of the entry ideology of neo-liberalism / capitalism and
neo- imperialism / colonialism to Indonesia.
otherdiscovery.com
Inability to repair damaged infrastructure
the foreign debt that never paid off instead of just getting bloated because of
the interest money that strangle the neck. Not to mention the loss of the
rights of the origin / regions that are special, as listed in Article 18
Constitution of 1945 (the original). Also the destruction of forests and near
extinction of some species of flora-fauna, and so the negative impact that will
continue to follow due to political mismanagement.
4. Pro Counter
Revolution in Indonesia
Not everyone agrees revolution. Those who
agreed revolution is a group of people understand the circumstances that the
bad situation is threatening their safety, even threatening the safety of the
nation and state.
sumintar.com
Those who do not agree are stooges
authorities have ruled with tyranny. Also those who would benefit from the
ongoing government is running or might be called the status quo. In addition,
groups of people who are not aware of the situation experienced by the limited
power of thought and knowledge, may not agree to any revolution.
In the Dutch
colonial period and the Japanese, not everyone agrees revolution or
independence. Those who disagree are a group of colonists who became stooges.
Even in the beginning, Soekarno – Hatta did not agree to the revolution,
believing that Japan
will assist the independence of Indonesia.
But another Sjahrir, had often heard the radio, then Sjahrir knew that Japan
had lost the war against the allies. Later Sjahrir urged Sukarno and
Hatta to immediately proclamated Indonesian independence. Sukarno and Hatta did
not want. So in history, the young revolutionaries kidnapped Sukarno and Hatta
to be taken to Rengasdengklok , and forcing Soekarno – Hatta declared Indonesia’s
independence.
History also notes
that a revolution requires determination and courage. Just copy the text of the
proclamation signed it, not everyone is brave. But when the Indonesian independence
been won, then no one will deny that fact. In fact all the Indonesian people
fought together to defend the independence.
Revolution to
replace the regime of neo – New Order follower of neo – liberalism /
capitalism as well as supporting the era of neo – imperialism /
colonialism, even this requires strong will and courage to become strong. This
revolution will have a lot of obstacles particularly repressive ruling
authorities. But if the revolution is successful, then no one, even police and
soldiers, will fire a bullet to anyone in the mass action. For in effect, they
also are part of the Indonesian people, which is also the fate awaiting
repairs.
The revolutionary
youth must take bold action the Assembly building. People's Consultative
Assembly building is the people’s house. In building the people’s sovereignty
will be realized for real. Not implemented as a stage of political clowns.
Democracy without a
goal until the people’s welfare is superficial and full of lies.
Democracy as a
mirror of popular sovereignty should be able to bring the people of Indonesia
to live with justice and prosperity, prosperous, physically and spiritually and
become equal nation and respected among the nations – nations of the world.
Pseudo democracy or
democracy of lies that followed Indonesia
today is a result of the Fourth Amendment based on the Constitution or the
Constitution of 2002.
Amendment of the
Constitution of 1945 has created a home – which was pioneered by arbitrary
figure Ciganjur 1998, namely as Chairman Amien Rais Assembly at the time and
Akbar Tanjung as Speaker of the House. Akbar Tanjung is a “traitor” or New
Order of Suharto who tried to cleanse the sins of the play – act as a supporter
of the Order of the Reformation.
Amien Rais, with
Akbar Tanjung, has “taken on the corner” by using the student movement and the
people in 1998. In fact, they never had significant contributions in the
imposition Suharto tyranny.
The success of the
1945 they changed the Constitution in 2002 as the new constitution had created
“an accident”. They just want to show that their leadership has begun to reform
the constitution. But the amendments did not reflect the will of the people.
The amendment has been made in origin – random, overlap overlap and no clear
purpose. They just want to mark that the Suharto era has ended, but the New
Order system is not changed. The system model of the Soeharto administration
was applied by all the presidential and House of Representatives (DPR) / People’s
Consultative Assembly (MPR) post-Suharto in a variety of state policies,
especially economic and financial fields.
Constitution of
2002 also increasingly provide opportunities inclusion practices – practices
the system of neo – liberalism / capitalism and the era of neo – colonialism /
imperialism.
5. Pseudo Democracy result Constitution Fourth Amendment.
Democracy without a goal until the people’s
welfare is superficial and full of lies.
Democracy as a
mirror of popular sovereignty should be able to bring the people of Indonesia
to live with justice and prosperity, prosperous, physically and spiritually and
become equal nation and respected among the nations – nations of the world.
Pseudo democracy or
democracy of lies that followed Indonesia
today is a result of the Fourth Amendment based on the Constitution or the
Constitution in 2002.
Amendment of the
Constitution of 1945 has created a home – which was pioneered by
arbitrary figure Ciganjur 1998, namely as Chairman Amien Rais Assembly at the
time and Akbar Tanjung as Speaker of the House. Akbar Tanjung is a “traitor” or
New Order of Suharto who tried to cleanse the sins of the play – act as a
supporter of the Order of the Reformation.
Amien Rais, with
Akbar Tanjung, has “taken on the corner” by using the student movement and the
people in 1998. In fact, they never had significant contributions in the
imposition Suharto tyranny.
The success of the
1945 they changed the Constitution in 2002 as the new constitution had created
“an accident”. They just want to show that their leadership has begun to reform
the constitution. But the amendments did not reflect the will of the people.
The amendment has been made in origin – random, overlap overlap and no clear
purpose. They just want to mark that the Suharto era has ended, but the New
Order system is not changed. The system model of the Soeharto administration
was applied by all the presidential and House of Representatives (DPR) /
People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR) post-Suharto in a variety of state
policies, especially economic and financial fields.
Constitution of
2002 also increasingly provide opportunities inclusion practices – practices
the system of neo – liberalism / capitalism and the era of neo – colonialism /
imperialism.
6. General
Election in 2014 that will waste – nothing!
If the system mainly Election 2004
and/or Election 2009 will be used again and continue to be used, it
certainly will never make those reformers who qualified and those who side with
the people.
Upcoming General Election in 2014 was
predictable, would be controlled by the conglomerates who will benefit from the
members of the legislature and the couple elected head of government. Ideology
of neo – liberalism / capitalism and neo – colonialism / imperialism will
continue and continue.
The capitalist
conglomerates that have essentially looting the wealth of the earth and the
waters of Indonesia;
through the new rulers, their personal benefit and groups, rather than benefit
the people together.
Capitalist
conglomerates authorities colluded with the neo – liberalism is what will drive
the Republic of Indonesia
in accordance with their tastes, not the taste according to the conscience of
the people.
Through the
election, the neo cronies – who embraced the New Order schools of neo –
liberalism and capitalism seeks to maintain dynastic power or group.
Constitution of
2002 had limited the office’s chief executive and head of the region during the
two periods. But they have designed a variety of laws – laws so that power
remains in the hands of groups or families.
General Elections
in the event, was certain to raise a family, and cronies neo – New Order.
Starting from that Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono will definitely make the design so
that the Democratic Party wins the election. Patriotic spirit is not the main
requirement. What’s important is how that power leads to the closest
people. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has not morally qualified person and
patriotism. Almost the entire life of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is trained to be
a soldier of his military model of Soeharto.
For the record,
there are four errors or violations of human rights by Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono in the past. 1) Captain Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to lead a
military assault on the campus of Bandung Institute of Technology (ITB)
in 1977; 2) Infantry Colonel Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as the UN Observer and
Commander of the Army Garuda contingents participating planned massacre of 8000
Bosnian Muslim-Srebrenica village in 1995; 3) Brigadier General Susilo Bambang
as the Territory of the Armed Forces Chief of Staff (the level below the armed
forces) is the designer’s Office raid on the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI)
Pro Mega Secretariat on July 27, 1997; and 4) Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as the
Territory of the Armed Forces Chief of Staff at least have allowed the
abduction and disappearance of several activists and students by the
intel-intelligence Special Forces during 1996-1998.
Megawati is not –
no mistake. Forgiveness black conglomerates that have made off with billions of
rupiah by Bank of Indonesia Liquidity Assistance (BLBI) occurred
during the Megawati administration. Has sold the asset of the state
telecommunications company Indosat, corruption National Petroleum
(Pertamina) tanker sales, and others. Megawati is not a person has
sufficient knowledge in controlling the country. Megawati's policies have been
contaminated by deception Laksamana Sukardi who now escape with established
Democratic Renewal Party (PDP). Also trapped by the suggestions and some
decisions Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who in the era of Megawati's presidency, he
served as Minister for Political and Security coordinator.
Amien Rais is also
not a person who has principle steadfast in upholding truth and justice. Received
funding from the presidential election of 2004 campaign fund corruption
Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries (DKP). Amien Rais said
previously dared to be taken to court, but eventually reconciled with Susilo
Bambang Yudhoyono in Halim Perdanakusuma airport.
In short, the
general election later in 2014 it will not produce new leaders and the
patriotic spirit of Pancasila (the five principles). Generated are those
from among the leaders of the neo-New Order and New Order have past sins.
With the General
Election in 2009 and later in 2014, the STATUS QUO always be maintained, and
maintained. Proven Parliament House as the home of the people has been
given 4 meter-high fence. How is it possible to convey the aspirations of the
people on their representatives in parliament if the situation was so. If
observed, Act or Law on political party and election laws that will be designed
today is intended to preserve their power. Through these laws will always elect
group of people who prefer to prioritize the interests of their group or party.
Power that will always protect the personal safety and security of their own or
a group of priority to public welfare. A power that will always protect and
safeguard the personal safety or their own group rather than prioritizing the
welfare of the people.
As with similar
elections in 2004 and 2009, general election later in 2014 was predictable that
there will always be colored by money politics, voters who do not have the
independence, full of lies, manipulation, military involvement and foreign
intervention.
7. Correction of
the Incident Action in 1998
Action 1998 was not a revolution scenario.
Action was only dropped one of Suharto, not the entire New Order regime.
Suharto, who
initially supported by his the golden child, Harmoko, transfer power to
President BJ Habibie. When he was rejected by the students, Habibie instead of
forming the National Presidium of the transition government. But it is
formed PAM Swakarsa with Wiranto. By PAM Swakarsa that, Habibie
has been suppressing the foundation pillars of democracy.
Action 1998 has
managed to drop Suharto. In fact, until now the Republic
of Indonesia is still controlled by
the people closest to Suharto. They also should take responsibility for
political and economic disaster in Indonesia
1997-1998. The disaster is their design as well.
At the last moment,
Suharto was still struggling to restore, but the ministers who are now leaders
of the Republic of Indonesia,
just “defected” to the left of Soeharto. They want to “wash hands”. Then when
the security has stabilized again, they appear to use new masks.
8. Glance of Corruption Scandal of Century Bank
State-owned money Rp6, 700,000,000,000.00 or equivalent to U.S. $159,000,000.00
has been lost. Some news says that the money has been corrupted by Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono to be the cost of the election campaign of 2009.
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, President Indonesia at present (FOTO: POSTER)
The team documents for dissemination
Assistance Century Bank policy the Ministry of Finance established the first
mention of Finance Minister on the state of Century Bank after a report from
the Governor of Bank Indonesia, Boediono, via teleconference meeting on 13
November 2008. When the Sri Mulyani Indrawati was in Washington,
DC, accompanied SBY. The next day on Nov
14 2008, Sri Mulyani Indrawati, reported on the Century Bank orally
to SBY. Then instructed by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Sri Mulyani Indrawati
immediately returned to Jakarta.
According to Marzuki Alie, the President
did not know about the case of the Century Bank. The President knows the Bail
Out of funds disbursed. Of the event can be concluded that there must be a lie
in between these two statements. What is certain Bail Out policy is only to
save the Bank Century, not the Indonesian economy.
Audit Agency
(Corporate Financial Examiner) noted a number of weaknesses in the analysis of
systemic effects of Century Bank case made by Bank of Indonesia and the
government. One of them, the conclusion is based on qualitative judgment.
Meanwhile, Fiscal Policy Office (BKF) argues that the analysis of systemic risk
given that the data supported the Bank of Indonesia and scalable enough to
declare that the Century Bank could cause systemic risk, rather the
psychological impact analysis.
Complete data questions
and statements are set out in the minutes of meetings COMMITTEE FINANCIAL
STABILITY (KSSK) on Friday, November 21, 2008, at 00:11 sd 05.00 at
Western Indonesia Time, with the agenda: discussion of problems of
Bank of Century Limited Company. Minutes record signed by the Chairman KSSK,
Sri Mulyani Indrawati and members KSSK, Boediono.
Argument monetary
economist, Sri Mulyani Indrawati, that the closure would affect the Bank
Century systemic, that is a massive rush of other banks are also not appropriate.
The comparison used is when the closure of 16 private banks in 1998. And should
that be the comparison is when the case of Summa Bank in 1992, which did not
affect anything on the Indonesian economy.
The argument field
of monetary economists, Sri Mulyani Indrawati, that the closure would affect
systemic Century Bank, which was a massive rush of other banks was also not
appropriate. The comparison used is when there were closure of 16 private
banks in 1998. Though the comparison is supposed to be when there was a
case of Summa Bank in 1992, which apparently does not affect anything on the
Indonesian economy. In 1992, the Sri Mulyani Indrawati himself was
studying in foreign countries. That she never experienced the dramatic
events that Summa Bank, which turned out not affect anything on the national
economy or more specifically there was no massive rush at the time.
9.
Scenarios of the Revolution
In any country, a revolution always has a
scenario and a clear purpose. Revolution with “REGIME CHANGE-CHANGE SYSTEM” is
to save the country that are damaged, and will get damaged if left standing. A
mass or military action with the aim of regime change but without changing the
system can not be called a revolution, but could be called a coup. It will not
be possible to stage a coup group will think about the fate of his people. They
are the same as the previous regime, the power-hungry.
In a very difficult
situation in the country and ravaged it is today, at least 10 to 50 thousand
members of the masses of the people must be prepared to enter the parliament
building. Millions of other people who pray at home and some of them may be on
strike from their jobs.
That need to be
understood by all parties is the mass action is not an act of anarchist or a
declaration of war against the government in power. Such mass action,
inevitably, have occurred when the deputies and the chief executive along with
his cabinet was reluctant to hear the voice of the people. They always reveal
the jargon of “the people’s voice was the voice of god ‘, but all actions and
decisions, sometimes even too often people do not take sides. The lack of legal
certainty for the people of the lower classes have shown that character. The
law can only side with those who have money. welfare of the people who are not
fair and equitable real materialize visit.
This Indonesian
revolution must succeed. Because it’s not just the delivery of opinions and
protests by groups individually, but the same desire by all the groups that
also have the same ideals. Ideals which essentially has started since Indonesia
won independence fighters. These ideals have not felt by most of the people of Indonesia.
That there is just a different situation that never occurred in the image
of the founders of this Republic of Indonesia.
The founders who participate struggling to free his people from the oppression
of foreign invaders.
Sovereignty of the
people must begin from the House of Peoples. Parliament House was called the
People’s House, which was established by Sukarno to become the container forces
the New World nations, who had just managed to break
away from the shackles of colonialism. This is the revolution that gave real
meaning of democracy. On the day of mass action from all groups of people
entering the house that was a stated. On the day of mass action
from all the groups entering the People's House, an INDONESIAN REVOLUTION
expressed collectively.
Starting on that
day, realized in a concrete scenario of revolution, not just discourse.
(1) the People’s
Decree Back to Constitution of 1945 (the original)
On that day, on behalf of the entire people
of Indonesia,
declared a decree People To Return to the Constitution of 1945 (the original).
This is very, very important because the Constitution Fourth Amendment or the
Constitution of 2002 have been made at random, without any overlapping clear
goals. Amendments made to signify only that the Suharto era has ended. But the
New Order system plus neo-liberalism/capitalism practice. Whereas the founders
of the Indonesian state has made the concept as a result of excavation of the
philosophy and culture of Indonesia, known since ancient times sublime.
(2) Statement of
the People to Remain Faithful to the Basis of Pancasila
ideology.
Statement of the people led by
revolutionary fighters on that day will not be declared Pancasila as the sole
ideology in Indonesia.
Declaration of loyalty to Pancasila as the form is evident that Indonesia
has had his own ideology, not ideology or schools of that imported from other
nations. Pancasila is the. Ideologies of other nations are not necessarily in
accordance with the philosophy and character of Indonesian culture. All the
post-revolutionary groups may form an association or a party based on another
ideology still provided the ideology of in the Pancasila corridor.
(3)
Establishment of MPRS as the incarnation of the People's Sovereignty.
In accordance with the mandate of the
Constitution of 1945, then on the day of the revolution, the established
Provisional People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR), as the highest state
institution that became the embodiment of popular sovereignty.
In an atmosphere of
revolution as such, did not have to be complicated about anyone who will sit in
these assemblies. Because nature is only TEMPORARY. In addition, because not a
result of people’s choices, then people who might be able to reach hundreds of
thousands of them, certainly will understand that the MPRS is to be
filled by people who have sufficient knowledge and moral quality.
The Constitution of
1945 did not restrict the number of members of the Assembly, in this case is of
course that meant the MPRS. At the time of the revolution, by itself
will show the people whose voices will be heard and followed by others.
At the right
moment, will be composed of membership reflects the MPRS are more
representative of people with a clearer structure. MPRS will end after a
special election to be held aims to select the members of the Assembly. New
elections might be held about one year since the day of the revolution.
Although in the era
of revolution, the members of the MPRS still take the oath together, by
following and imitating the oath which was read by Chief Justice who was chosen
to perform the task.
(4) People's
Consultative Assembly's session to determine the Presidium
Immediately after being sworn, then do a
trial assembly of the MPRS. For a while, the hearing will be chaired by
a member of the oldest and youngest elected chairman until a definitive.
The MPRS set
NATIONAL PRESIDIUM consisting of five people as a substitute for the President
and Vice President. Several members of the presidium of the name has been
prepared by the mover of the revolution itself. Presidium will not be filled by
those who counter-revolutionary.
First Session of
People's Consultative Assembly Temporary (MPRS) is to establish the
National Presidium of five-member as a substitute for the President and Vice
President. Some of the names of members of the presidium of course has been
prepared by the pioneers of the revolution itself. No way the presidium
would be filled by those who counter-revolution.
Five of these, each
will lead:
1) Internal Affairs;
2) Foreign Affairs;
3) Defense and Security Affairs of State;
4) Health & Welfare Affairs of the
People;
5) Religious Affairs.
There are many
other things that actually quite important, but in situations of revolution,
the five matters which are of paramount importance.
(5) Session of the
People's Consultative Assembly to Establish Commission Amendment
Constitution of 1945
Amendment Commission served along with all
the people to reconstruct the 1945 completion within a period as fast as one
year. This is to fulfill the promise she had made by the first President of
Indonesia, Ir. Soekarno, when ratified the Constitution of the Republic
of Indonesia on August
18, 1945.
Improvement or
amendment of the 1945 will be conducted in accordance with Indonesian national
identity, in favor of the people and aims to promote the general welfare as
envisaged in the 1945 Constitution itself. Unlike the 2002’s Constitution which
had been made at random, overlapping and without clear goals. Instead it has
opened wide opportunities entry neo-liberalism/capitalism practices that have
caused misery for the majority of the people.
The results of the
1945′s improvements will be
submitted to the Assembly election result set as an amendment to the original
1945 Constitution, as the “Addendum”, in such a way. So, that the original
Constitution of 1945 was never erased.
(6) Presidium
lifting Commander of the Armed Forces of the Republic
of Indonesia (according to Article
10 of the 1945 Constitution)
Presidium of the first trial was to
establish a Commander of the Armed Forces. These commanders, for a while, the
Police reunite and Indonesian National Army (TNI) less than one command.
Presidium of the
first trial was to establish a Commander of the Armed Forces. These commanders,
for a while, the Police reunite and Indonesian National Army (TNI) less
than one command.
In addition, the
main task is the commander of the armed forces to uphold peace and order
throughout the Republic of Indonesia. That way, the Presidium of the joint
ministerial cabinet will be formed; can work together with the MPRS in carrying
out appropriate constitutional ideals of the revolution. Ideals are none other
than creating a new Indonesia. Ideals of Proclamation of 1945 that Indonesia
has never materialized.
Up to this
point, the revolution for Regime Change-Change system essentially has expired
since the first day. People were asked to continue their work everyday.
(7) Session of the Presidium for Forming a
Cabinet/Ministry in the meantime
Presidium of the first trial was to
establish a Commander of the Armed Forces. These commanders, for a while, the
Police reunite and Indonesian National Army (TNI) less than one command.
In addition, the main task is the commander
of the armed forces to uphold peace and order throughout the Republic of
Indonesia. That way, the Presidium of the joint ministerial cabinet will be
formed; can work together with the MPRS in carrying out appropriate
constitutional ideals of the revolution. Ideals are none other than creating a
new Indonesia. Ideals of Proclamation of 1945 that Indonesia has never
materialized.
Up to this point, the revolution for Regime
Change-Change system essentially has expired since the first day. People were
asked to continue their work everyday..
The next trial
is to establish the Presidium of the Cabinet Ministry meantime. In less than a
week, new cabinet under the Presidium of the ministry must be established as
the Provisional Government Republic of Indonesia.
Cabinet
temporary Ministry is, among others, will handle the areas of:
1) Ministry of
Foreign Affairs;
2) Ministry of
Home Affairs;
3) Ministry of
Finance and State Treasury;
4) Ministry of
Defense and National Security;
5) Ministry of
Agriculture and Plantation;
6) Ministry of
Industry and Commerce;
7) Ministry of
Transport and Communications;
8.
Ministry of Education and Human Resources Development;
9) Ministry of
Energy and Natural Resources.
Therefore
temporary, so not many ministries to be formed. The Ministry was disbanded
along with the Presidium immediately after the President and Vice President
elected by the Assembly election results. President and Vice President also
inaugurated the election results.
(7) Session of the Presidium for Forming a
Cabinet / Ministry in the meantime.
The next trial is to establish the
Presidium of the Cabinet Ministry meantime. In less than a week, new cabinet
under the Presidium of the ministry must be established as the Provisional
Government Republic of Indonesia.
Cabinet temporary Ministry is, among
others, will handle the areas of:
1) Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
2) Ministry of Home Affairs;
3) Ministry of Finance and State Treasury;
4) Ministry of Defense and National
Security;
5) Ministry of Agriculture and Plantation;
6) Ministry of Industry and Commerce;
7) Ministry of Transport and
Communications;
8. Ministry of Education and Human
Resources Development;
9) Ministry of Energy and Natural
Resources.
Therefore temporary, so not many ministries
to be formed. The Ministry was disbanded along with the Presidium immediately
after the President and Vice President elected by the Assembly election
results. President and Vice President also inaugurated the election results.
(8) Session of the Presidium to form the
State Requirements.
A part form the Cabinet Ministry, together with the Presidium of the other
power agencies will also establish a state fittings. Completeness of state - or
in other words, Completeness of the Provisional Government at the central level
- is the State Affairs offices which will be led by the Head Office of State
Affairs respectively. All the Head Office of State has no power of authority to
autonomous regions, namely the provinces. Their task is nothing but doing the
monitoring, assessment and providing assistance and dissemination of
information on state standards. Further implementation of the above fields
Affairs of the State is a province autonomous authority.
(9) Plenary session of the Cabinet Ministry
Many trials will be conducted by the
Cabinet Ministry. The first is the Plenary Session of the Cabinet under the
leadership of the Ministry of the Presidium to specify that all local
governments is temporary. Also set function as assistant governor of the
Presidium. After an explanation by the Provisional Government (Ministry of the
Presidium of the joint) about the importance of government in the regions to
hold state power in favor of the welfare of the people.
Since entering this stage, the
implementation of Homeland essentially has begun. Executive power is held
centrally by the Presidium, and the LEGISLATIVE power held by the People’s
Consultative Assembly (MPR) Justice or judicial power under the Supreme
Court, which still has not changed, as well as temporary.
(10) National Reconciliation
One of the important topics that will be
handled by the Presidium of the Cabinet with the Ministry of National Reconciliation.
This is very important to be completed. The meaning of this reconciliation
itself is to end the conflict that was going on, and never happened. A
reconciliation will not be able to be handled by the regime that had committed
crimes or human rights violations in the past.
This reconciliation is essentially aims to
create peace. The process begins with uncovering evidence all the crimes ever
committed by the regime or groups in the past. Crimes or human rights
violations that include: the massacre of almost 2 million people by the New
Order regime during the year 1965-1968; cases of killed by the military in case
of Tanjung Priok and Talangsari – Lampung; case of military operations in Aceh
and other regions; case kidnappings and disappearances activist and
students during 1996-1998; case of attacked on the Indonesian
Democratic Party offices on July 27, 1996; shooting students of Trisakti
University and the University of Lampung in 1998; to murder Munir.
Disclosure of truth is not to be revenge by
the victims. On the other hand, is very difficult for victims to forgive,
forget and end the trauma of oppression and evil that ever happened to them.
Simply put, the stages of reconciliation
is: 1) reveal evidence of any crimes or human rights violations that have
occurred in Indonesia in the past since 1965 (New Order era) until the
violations committed by the regime of neo-New Order; 2) recognition and apology
by the parties who have proven crimes or violations of human rights; 3) the
victims of human rights violations to an apology.
After the work of reconciliation is
achieved, then the new phase has begun. In other words, the conflict between
the members has ended. Even so, those who have been involved crimes or human
rights violations would not be allowed again to re-sit in the institutions of
state power. On the other hand, their safety must be guaranteed by the state.
Not only are human rights violations have
been involved, those who have proven to significantly harm the state for
committing crimes of economic crimes, such as corruption, are also not allowed
to participate in Providing state, either directly in the executive branch and
a member of parliament (DPR / MPR) .
(11) Presidium with MPRS set General
Election schedule
Before ending devotion to the country,
together with the Presidium of the MPR should establish a general election
(election). Homeland sovereignty completely in the hands of the people. The
incarnation was the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR) as the highest
institution in charge of running the country on behalf of the people’s
sovereignty. MPR is a joint session of House of Representatives (DPR),
representing Council (DUG) and the Regional Representatives Council (DUD).
All three councils have the same political power. Unlike the present case, the
dominant forces and affiliated seemed absolute only lead to all parties.
All three council members mentioned above
will be sent by the people through direct elections with a district system.
Only with the district system, the members would be more concerned with
representation of people’s welfare. Not put the interests of the group. The
party became the container of no other practical politicians only to the
people’s aspirations can be easily distributed.
People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR)
which will maintain the Constitution of 1945, and at any time can convene
accordance with the duties and functions.
MPR also set a State
Policy or Outline Development Plan, provide assessments of the policies of
central government or the executive branch and issue decrees with respect to
all policies and decisions of executive agencies.
MPR also set Outlines
of State Policy, provides assessment of the policies of the central government
or the executive branch and pulled out provisions relating to all policies and
decisions of the executive branch.
Through this general election, the
President and Vice President as the holder of executive power will be elected
directly by the people. In the running wheel of government, state executive
agencies will be assisted by the government in provincial areas, each headed by
a governor.
Government in areas that are special
autonomy will be given special authority to regulate the state administration
in their respective provinces.
10.
Trisakti State
House of Representatives, Council Representative Group and the Regional
Representatives Council with the President holds the power to form legislation.
No
more laws that only benefit the ruling set with his cronies alone, and not
aimed at establishing public order and welfare. No more
laws aimed at maintaining power covertly incompatible with the conscience of
the people.
All three councils also have the right to
ask questions or request information from the central government or state
executive agencies and have the right to investigate.
All three councils also have the right to
ask questions or ask for information from the central government or state
executive agencies as well as having the right to investigate. Government
regulation (Perpu) as the implementing regulations for laws that are
made generally accepted for the entire population and territory of the Republic
of Indonesia. Meanwhile, for a special effect in a province made in the form of
provincial regulation. Government Regulation in Lieu of Law (Regulation In Lieu
of Law) is only made when the country in a state of war emergency.
Government regulation (regulation) as the
regulations implementing the laws made applicable generally to all residents
and Homeland areas. As for the special effect in a province made in the form of
provincial regulation.
Government Regulation in Lieu of Law (Perpu
Substitute Act) created only when the state of war emergency.
Judicial power is completely in the hands
of the Supreme Court, which became independent from institutions other powers.
Supreme Court exercise judicial power at the country level. Justice in
provincial areas operated by the High Court respectively.
The Supreme Court also has the power to
conduct legal test of a law is constitutional provisions in the regulations,
rules and regulations the provincial government. Legal test to assess whether
any such provisions in accordance or contrary to the Constitution of 1945.
To run power, the Supreme Court established
the Constitutional Advisory Council will work actively and permanently.
11.
Acknowledgments
My thank you to the honourable DR. H.S.
Dillon, late Harry Roesli, late Romo YB Mangunwijaya who have inspired
and to the honourable DR. Sri Bintang Pamungkas who has contributed thoughts in
this simple script writing.
Mecca Time
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